Global Modern Slavery Developments (Part I): A Critical Review of the UK Modern Slavery Act - By Shamistha Selvaratnam

Editor’s note: Shamistha Selvaratnam is a LLM Candidate of the Advanced Masters of European and International Human Rights Law at Leiden University in the Netherlands and a contributor to the Doing Business Right project of the Asser Institute. Prior to commencing the LLM, she worked as a business and human rights solicitor in Australia where she specialised in promoting business respect for human rights through engagement with policy, law and practice.



Over the past couple of years, there has been an international trend towards greater regulation and transparency with respect to modern slavery in corporate supply chains as reports of gross human rights violations in corporate supply chains have entered the public spotlight. For example, over the past couple of years there has been extensive media attention in relation to the use of slaves trafficked from Cambodia, Laos, Bangladesh and Myanmar to work on Thai fishing boats to catch fish to be sold around the globe, with the boats considered to be ‘floating labor camps’. As a result of events such as this, there has been increased pressure on businesses to take steps to address modern slavery in their supply chains through processes such as through conducting risk assessments and due diligence.

As the Ethical Trading Initiative notes, key risks facing companies in their supply chains include the use of migrant workers; the use of child labour; recruitment fees and debt bondage; the use of agency workers and temporary labour; working hours and wages; and the use of subcontractors. In 2016 the Global Slavery Index reported that 40.3 million people are living in modern slavery across 167 countries, and in 2014 the ILO estimated that forced labour in the private economy generates US$150 billion in illegal profits per year.

In March 2015, the UK Government passed the UK Modern Slavery Act 2015 (the Act), game-changing legislation that targets, inter alia, slavery and trafficking in corporate supply chains. The UK Government also published guidance explaining how businesses should comply with the Act.

This first blog of a series of articles dedicated to the global modern slavery developments provides an overview of the main elements of the Act and how businesses have responded to it. It will be followed by a review of the proposed Australian MSA, and a final piece on the developments in other jurisdictions that are considering introducing legislation regulating modern slavery in the corporate context.

 

Global businesses and modern slavery: The challenges

There are a number of challenges associated with modern slavery in a globalised economy. As Genevieve LeBaron and Andreas Rühmkorf[1] state there are in particular a number of regulatory gaps surrounding labour standards in corporate supply chains. Firstly, there is no binding international instrument or framework in place ‘that addresses the conduct of companies in global supply chains, and companies are not considered to be duty bearers in public international law’.[2] Secondly, there are gaps in the regulation and enforcement of labour standards by states. Thirdly, ‘the legal structure of global supply chains makes it difficult to hold multinational enterprises liable for violations that occur.’[3] Fourthly, the principles of extraterritoriality often result in host states’ laws applying rather than home states’ laws. As Shuangge Wen notes the notion of the extraterritorial application of legislation ‘remains alien to most of the civil law body’.[4] Another challenge she recognises is that the doctrine of separate legal personality which ‘effectively shield[s] [corporate] group members from being sued or liable’.[5] These doctrinal and practical obstacles to holding businesses accountable for modern slavery provide the wider backdrop to the Act and must be kept in mind when assessing its effectiveness.

 

Key Aspects of the Act 

Section 54 of the Act requires commercial organisations with a global annual turnover of at least £36 million to prepare a slavery and human trafficking statement annually through publishing a Modern Slavery Statement on their webpage in a prominent place.

What is ‘modern slavery’?

While there is no globally agreed definition of ‘modern slavery’ under international law, it does appear that modern slavery is an umbrella term that covers a range of exploitative practices. As summarised by Anti-Slavery International, human exploitation characterised by only one of the following features is classed as ‘modern slavery’: (i) coercion to work through either mental or physical threat; (ii) being owned or controlled by an employer, usually through mental or physical abuse or the threat of abuse; (iii) being dehumanised or treated as a commodity; or (iv) being physically constrained or with limited freedom of movement.

The Act does not specifically define ‘modern slavery’, however, its offences include slavery, servitude, forced or compulsory labour and human trafficking. While each of these practices has differences, they also have some similarities. So what are each of these practices?

  • As set out in the Slavery Convention, slavery is ‘the status or condition of a person over whom any or all of the powers attaching to the right of ownership are exercised’.
  • Servitude is similar to slavery; however, the person responsible for the situation does not exercise the powers of ownership over the other person.
  • As defined in the ILO Forced Labour Convention 1930 (No. 29), forced or compulsory labour is ‘all work or service which is exacted from any person under the threat of a penalty and for which the person has not offered himself or herself voluntarily.
  • ’Human trafficking is defined in the Act as occurring when a person arranges or facilitates the travel of another person (for example, through transporting, transferring or recruiting) with the view of that person being exploited.

Who is required to report?

The term ‘commercial organisations’ is defined as a body corporate or partnership that carries on a business, or part of a business, in the UK wherever that organisation was incorporated or formed. Such an organisation is required to report under s 54 if it supplies goods and services and has a total turnover of at least £36 million. Accordingly, the Act will apply to businesses regardless of its geographic location, so long as it carries on at least a part of its business in the UK.

The term ‘carries on a business’ is not defined in the Act. The guidance provided by the UK Government states that a ‘common sense approach’ should be applied in determining whether a body corporate or partnership is carrying on a business in the UK. However, ultimately, the ‘courts will be the final arbiter as to whether an organisation ‘carries on a business’ in the UK taking into account the particular facts in individual cases.’ As at the date of this blog, there have been no court cases in which the court has had to consider whether a particular commercial organisation is carrying on a business in the UK.

Organisations that do not meet the definition of ‘commercial organisations’ can voluntarily produce a Modern Slavery Statement. 

What are commercial organisations required to report on?

Commercial organisations are required to report on the steps they have taken to ensure that slavery and human trafficking is not taking place in any of their supply chains and in any part of their business, or that they have taken no such steps. The Act sets out optional criteria which statements may include information about, namely:

  • (a)   the organisation’s structure, its business and its supply chains;
  • (b)   its policies in relation to slavery and human trafficking;
  • (c)   its due diligence processes in relation to slavery and human trafficking in its business and supply chains;
  • (d)   the parts of its business and supply chains where there is a risk of slavery and human trafficking taking place, and the steps it has taken to assess and manage that risk;
  • (e)   its effectiveness in ensuring that slavery and human trafficking is not taking place in its business or supply chains, measured against such performance indicators as it considers appropriate;
  • (f)     the training about slavery and human trafficking available to its staff.

Accordingly, the Act is not prescriptive about the content of Modern Slavery Statements. The guidance provided by the UK Government provides tips on how to write a Modern Slavery Statement (for example, it is suggested that companies keep the statement succinct but cover all relevant points) and how to structure the statement

Who is responsible for reporting?

The Board of directors will bear the ultimate responsibility for Modern Slavery Statements with the Act requiring the Board to approve the statement and a director to sign the statement. As the UK Government guidance notes, this ‘ensures senior level accountability, leadership and responsibility for modern slavery and gives it the serious attention it deserves.’ For limited liability partnerships, the statement must be approved by the members and signed by a designated member.

What happens if commercial organisations do not report?

In the event that a commercial organisation that is required to report under the Act does not report, the Secretary of State may seek an injunction from the High Court requiring the organisation to comply (or, in Scotland civil proceedings for specific performance of a statutory duty under section 45 of the Court of Session Act 1988). If the injunction is not complied with, the organisation will be held in contempt of a court order, which is punishable by an unlimited fine. In a public hearing held earlier this year, the UK Home Office commented that the UK Government did not go down a ‘more punitive route’ with respect to enforcement ‘to avoid pushing businesses away from transparency’ and that its approach so far has been to ‘work in partnership with business, to share best practice, to raise awareness and to encourage transparency’.

The UK Government guidance notes that it will be for ‘consumers, investors and Non-Governmental Organisations to engage and/or apply pressure where they believe a business has not taken sufficient steps’, suggesting that the Government will not take action on its own volition.

 

How have businesses responded?

As at the date of this blog, 6102 companies have published 7302 statements. The statements can be found on the Modern Slavery Registry website. This stands in stark contrast to the UK Home Office’s estimate of the number of companies required to report under the Act, being between 9,000 and 11,000 entities. However, as noted at the public hearings earlier this year, no injunctions have been taken against non-complying companies so as not to ‘discourage transparency’.

According to the Modern Slavery Registry, of the statements published, only 19% met the minimum requirements set out in the Act, namely: (1) the statement is published on the business’ website with a link on the home page; (2) the statement is signed by a director or equivalent; and (3) explicit approval by the Board is included in the statement. Further, the Business & Human Rights Resource Centre’s analysis of the Financial Times Stock Exchange 100's quality of reporting in the first reporting year across six reporting areas (as summarised in its report titled ‘Modern Slavery Reporting: Case Studies of Leading Practice’) showed that:

  • 34% of companies complied with the organisational and supply chain structure reporting area;
  • 38% of companies complied with the company policies reporting area;
  • 46% of companies complied with the due diligence processes reporting area;
  • 38% of companies complied with the risk assessment reporting area;
  • 16% of companies complied with effectiveness of measures in place reporting area; and
  • 38% of companies complied with the training reporting area.

Given the low level of compliance, as stated by the Business & Human Rights Resource Centre, it appears that a ‘vast majority of companies are failing to take effective action and must do more to address modern slavery.’ As Radu Mares notes, the quality of reporting demonstrates ‘paper compliance’ whereby companies are using a ‘tick-box approach’ to satisfy the requirements in the Act ‘without providing substantive or meaningful information.’[6] For example, in 2016 Ergon Associates reported that 35% of statements did not mention risk assessment procedures and two-thirds did not identify priority risks.

Modern slavery statements published by businesses to date highlight a number of key challenges and barriers facing business in addressing modern slavery. As the Ethical Trading Initiative notes, these include the following challenges:

  • The complexity and length of supply chains.
  • The insufficient resources they have to conduct due diligence and support supplier improvements.
  • The extent to which they should provide transparency around their modern slavery risks and practices.
  • Pressure from buyers to secure low prices from suppliers.
  • Lack of leverage with suppliers in order to work with them to improve their practices.

The Ethical Trading Initiative states that the following is crucial to ensure modern slavery action is taken by commercial organisations: senior leadership engagement, organisational culture change, including ‘communicating and clarifying the values, attitudes, and understanding of modern slavery to help embed policies and make them effective’; and collaborations and partnerships amongst different stakeholders, including other companies.

 

The many academic critiques of s 54 of the Act

As LeBaron and Rühmkorf, note that although the Act is considered to be public regulation, it is indeed ‘fully dependent on private governance tools, standards, and enforcement mechanisms to meet its aims’ and does not introduce any new public standards.[7] Accordingly, it ‘blurs the binary frequently posited between ‘hard’ and ‘soft’ law in the governance of labour standards’.[8] Further, they argue that compliance with the Act does not actually require a business to take steps to address modern slavery in its supply chain – all that is required is that a statement be published on a company’s webpage signed by a director and approved by its Board. This is strengthened by the fact that the Act does not require businesses to report on mandatory criteria – rather it suggests criteria that a business can (but is not required to) report on, providing little incentive for companies to detail the actions they have taken (if any) to prevent and address modern slavery particularly given the lack of penalties for non-compliance.

As Shuangge Wen notes the absence of penalties and the call on the general public to use the information contained in statements is unlikely to encourage change within businesses. In other words, it is likely to have a limited ‘pragmatic effect’.[9] This is possibly the reason why there have been such low levels of compliance with reporting. She further argues that the Act leaves business responsibilities with respect to respecting human rights and preventing and addressing modern slavery up to the ‘individual organizations’ discretionary interpretation’.[10] However, as Radu Maries notes the Act’s requirement that directors sign off on statements has ‘raised the profile of modern slavery issues within companies’ and, as a result, had an ‘internal effect on risk management’ and lead to top-level leadership with respect to modern slavery issues.[11]

As Justine Nolan and Gregory Bott state that the Act fails to ‘set mandatory standards for what due diligence must encompass’ and does not hold companies ‘directly legally accountable for any actual adverse human rights impacts connected to their operations’.[12] Accordingly, they argue that it is unlikely to encourage businesses to take proper action to address modern slavery in their supply chains. They contend that an ‘improved approach’ is required that ‘links reporting with due diligence, requires detailed disclosures, has regulatory consequences for a failure to report, and utilises both public and private mechanisms and the shared leverage of all relevant stakeholders’ in order to effect change with respect to combatting modern slavery.[13]

Virginia Mantouvalou presents a number of interesting arguments to contend that the Act is a ‘weak’ mechanism to prevent and address modern slavery.[14] While she notes that the Act’s soft law approach’ to regulating modern slavery in corporate supply chains is ‘not necessarily problematic at a theoretical level’, she states that self-regulation present many challenges and may not be the ‘best way to deal with business misconduct’ by itself.[15] This is because self-regulation can be seen as ‘simply protecting businesses from reputational damage and for limiting their liability’, rather than encouraging businesses to take concrete steps to combat modern slavery.[16] She further argues that the Act is overly narrow in its focus, with the Act regulating slavery, servitude, forced and compulsory labour and human trafficking to the exclusion of other exploitative practices. This suggests that only a subset of exploitative practices are present in business conduct.

Mantouvalou contends that the corporate transparency provision in the Act has been designed in such a manner that ‘it cannot be effective’. The weaknesses of the provision include:

  • The lack of a central list containing the names of businesses required to report.
  • The lack of a mechanism to monitor compliance with the Act.
  • The lack of a central repository for statements that have been published by businesses.
  • The lack of penalties for non-compliance with the Act and remedies for victims of modern slavery in corporate supply chains.
  • The lack of awareness of the Act amongst businesses.

She does however note that the Act has ‘generated discussions by companies that might not otherwise have considered the problem of severe labour exploitation’.

 

Conclusion

Despite the criticism that the Act has received, it has nonetheless been widely recognised that it is a step in the right direction towards increasing corporate transparency with respect to modern slavery. However, as the UK Home Office acknowledged earlier this year, while there has been progress ‘there is absolutely more to do’. So where to from here?

Well, a couple of months ago, the UK Government announced that it would be launching an independent review of the Act. As stated in the terms of reference, the aim of the review is to ‘report on the operation and effectiveness of, and potential improvements to,’ the Act. With respect to s 54 of the Act, a specific issue that has been noted as requiring consideration is how to ensure compliance and increase the quality of statements produced by commercial organisations. This blog aims to contribute to the future work of the independent review by providing a quick overview of the key critiques raised against the Act. Furthermore, it is essential that other countries considering the introduction of similar legislation take careful stock of the important lessons learned from the UK experiment to design more efficient modern slavery legislations, but that will be the subject of our next blogs.


[1] Genevieve LeBaron and Andreas Rühmkorf, Steering CSR Through Home State Regulation: A Comparison of the Impact of the UK Bribery Act and Modern Slavery Act on Global Supply Chain Governance (2017) Global Policy 8(3), 15.

[2] Ibid, 19.

[3] Ibid, 20.

[4] Shuangge Wen, The Cogs and Wheels of Reflexive Law – Business Disclosure under the Modern Slavery Act (2016) Journal of Law and Society 43(3) 327, 335.

[5] Ibid.

[6] Radu Mares, Corporate transparency laws: A hollow victory (2018) Netherlands Quarterly of Human Rights 36(3), 189, 197.

[7] Genevieve LeBaron and Andreas Rühmkorf, Steering CSR Through Home State Regulation: A Comparison of the Impact of the UK Bribery Act and Modern Slavery Act on Global Supply Chain Governance (2017) Global Policy 8(3) 15, 17.

[8] Ibid.

[9] Shuangge Wen, The Cogs and Wheels of Reflexive Law – Business Disclosure under the Modern Slavery Act (2016) Journal of Law and Society 43(3) 327, 358.

[10] Ibid, 359.

[11] Radu Mares, Corporate transparency laws: A hollow victory (2018) Netherlands Quarterly of Human Rights 36(3), 189, 198.

[12] Justine Nolan and Gregory Bott, Global Supply Chains and Human Rights: Spotlight on Forced Labour and Modern Slavery Practices (2018) Australian Journal of Human Rights 1, 10.

[13] Ibid, 11.

[14] Virginia Mantouvalou, The UK Modern Slavery Act 2015 Three Years On (2018) The Modern Law Review (2018) 81(6) 1017, 1017.

[15] Ibid, 1038, 1040.

[16] Ibid, 1040.

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Doing Business Right Blog | The Rise of Human Rights Due Diligence (Part I): A Short Genealogy - By Shamistha Selvaratnam

The Rise of Human Rights Due Diligence (Part I): A Short Genealogy - By Shamistha Selvaratnam

Editor’s note: Shamistha Selvaratnam is a LLM Candidate of the Advanced Masters of European and International Human Rights Law at Leiden University in the Netherlands and a contributor to the Doing Business Right project of the Asser Institute. Prior to commencing the LLM, she worked as a business and human rights solicitor in Australia where she specialised in promoting business respect for human rights through engagement with policy, law and practice.

 

Human right due diligence (HRDD) is a key concept of Pillar 2 of the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights (UNGPs), the corporate responsibility to respect human rights. Principle 15 of the UNGPs, one of the foundational principles of Pillar 2, states that in order to meet the responsibility to respect human rights, businesses should have in place a HRDD process to ‘identify, prevent, mitigate and account for how they address their impacts on human rights’. However, how was the concept of HRDD developed? What does it mean? What are its key elements?

This first blog of a series of articles dedicated to HRDD answers these questions by providing an overview of the concept of HRDD and its main elements (as set out in the UNGPs) as well as how the concept was developed. It will be followed by a general article looking at HRDD through the lens of a variety of actors including international organisations, non-state actors and consultancy organisations. Case studies will then be undertaken to look at how HRDD has materialised in practice. To wrap up the series, a final piece will reflect on the effectiveness of the turn to HRDD to strengthen respect of human rights by businesses.

 

History of the Concept of HRDD

The concept of due diligence was around well before John Ruggie assumed the mandate of Special Representative on the issue of human rights and transnational corporations and other business enterprises back in 2005. Indeed the concept was initially a creature of American securities law under the auspices of ‘reasonable investigation’. The Securities Act 1933 imposes strict civil liability on certain people for untrue statements and omissions of material fact in a securities registration statement.[1] However, an exception is carved out where ‘reasonable investigations’ have been undertaken.[2] The relevant standard of reasonableness to be applied in this situation is that of a ‘prudent man in the management of his own property’.[3]

Following this, the concept of due diligence emerged in other corporate contexts, particularly with respect to financial transactions such as mergers and acquisitions.[4] While the due diligence carried out on such transactions in the 1980s was quite limited, the process has gradually become much more extensive. Over time, the concept has been transplanted into the international human rights law framework – a positive duty has been imposed on states to conduct due diligence to prevent human rights violations by non-state actors, including businesses.[5] Thus, in the international human rights law arena due diligence has been applied as a standard of conduct that states are required to meet in order to uphold human rights within their jurisdiction.

In the business and human rights sphere, the concept of due diligence was first introduced back in 2003 when the draft Norms on the Responsibilities of Transnational Corporations and Other Business Enterprises with Regard to Human Rights (draft Norms) were introduced. Article 1 of the draft Norms placed a primary responsibility on states to ensure that businesses respect human rights. It also placed a separate obligation on businesses ‘to promote, secure the fulfillment of, respect, ensure respect of and protect human rights recognized in international as well as national law’ within their sphere of influence. The commentary to article 1 notes that businesses have the responsibility to use ‘due diligence in ensuring that their activities do not contribute directly or indirectly to human rights abuses, and that they do not directly or indirectly benefit from abuses of which they were aware or ought to have been aware’. No further explanation was provided on the due diligence to be conducted and the draft Norms were not approved by the Human Rights Council in 2004.

The concept of due diligence was brought back into the business and human rights arena when Ruggie was appointed as Special Representative. Following the failure of the draft Norms, Ruggie introduced the concept of HRDD back into the international arena in 2008 and developed it over a period of about three years until the UNGPs were endorsed by the UN Human Rights Council. As he acknowledges, until then due diligence was considered a ‘business process’ used in ‘strictly transactional terms’.[6] However, Ruggie sought to broaden the concept into ‘a comprehensive, proactive attempt to uncover human rights risks, actual and potential, over the entire life cycle of a project or business activity, with the aim of avoiding and mitigating those risks.’[7] He did this by drawing on the key elements of due diligence and combining them with the distinctive elements of human rights. This is what is now referred to and articulated as the concept of HRDD in the UNGPs. Ruggie gave HRDD such a key role in Pillar 2 of the UNGPs because he recognised that companies cannot know or show that they are respecting human rights without conducting HRDD.[8] Indeed, he envisioned that HRDD would facilitate movement from ‘naming and shaming’ businesses by external stakeholders to ‘knowing and showing’ through internalising respect for human rights.[9]

Ruggie identified a number of benefits to business for undertaking HRDD, in particular he highlighted that it wouldn’t impose additional burdens on business.[10] He argued that HRDD assists business to ‘address their responsibilities to individuals and communities that they impact and their responsibilities to shareholders, thereby protecting both values and value’.[11] He further acknowledged that HRDD assists companies to lower their risks, particularly with respect to legal non-compliance.[12] He also noted that conducting HRDD has the ability to protect Boards against claims brought by shareholders regarding mismanagement.[13]

In setting out the scope of HRDD, Ruggie stated that it is to be ‘determined by the context in which a company is operating, its activities, and the relationships associated with those activities’[14] by reference to three factors, namely: (a) the country and local context in which the relevant business activities take place; (b) what human rights impacts the business’ own activities may have within that context; and (c) whether the business’ own activities might contribute to abuse through the relationships connected to their activities.[15] Importantly, he noted that the scope of HRDD is not fixed or based on influence, rather it ‘depends on the potential and actual human rights impacts resulting from a company’s business activities and the relationships connected to those activities’.[16]

With respect to the substantive content of HRDD, John Ruggie stated that the minimum requirements are set out in the International Bill of Human Rights and the ILO core conventions, as well as additional standards relevant to the context of a particular business such as international humanitarian law.[17]

As to the HRDD process itself, Ruggie set out four minimum requirements. Businesses should:[18]

  • Adopt a human rights policy.
  • Conduct human rights impact assessments to ‘understand how existing and proposed activities may affect human rights’.
  • Integrate human rights policies through the business, which requires a top down approach in order to ‘embed respect for human rights throughout a company’ as well as training and the ‘capacity to respond appropriately when unforeseen situations arise’.
  • Track their performance through monitoring and auditing processes with regular updates of human rights impact and performance.

 

Following these developments, the HRDD concept was finally articulated in the UNGPs, which were endorsed by the UN General Assembly in 2011.

 

Concept of HRDD as articulated in the UNGPs

Meaning of HRDD and its Scope

Despite being a key element of the UNGPs, HRDD is not defined in the UNGPs itself. Rather, as stated above, the UNGPs states that HRDD is a process – that is, a process that should ‘identify, prevent, mitigate and account for how [businesses] address their impacts on human rights’. However, in interpretative guidance provided by the Office of the High Commissioner of Human Rights, due diligence is defined as follows:[19]

 such a measure of prudence, activity, or assiduity, as is properly to be expected from, and ordinarily exercised by, a reasonable and prudent [person] under the particular circumstances; not measured by any absolute standard, but depending on the relative facts of the special case”. In the context of the Guiding Principles, human rights due diligence comprises an ongoing management process that a reasonable and prudent enterprise needs to undertake, in the light of its circumstances (including sector, operating context, size and similar factors) to meet its responsibility to respect human rights. (Emphasis added)

It is clear from the definition above that HRDD is separate to the due diligence processes generally carried out by a business (for example, corporate due diligence). It is also clear that HRDD should be undertaken by all businesses in order to respect human rights. However, the extent of the HRDD to be carried out is dependent on various factors. As stated in Principle 17, the scope of HRDD is dependent on the ‘size of the business enterprise, the risk of severe human rights impacts, and the nature and context of its operations’. Accordingly, the scope of HRDD processes should be tailored to a specific business’ needs and should evolve as a business’ operations and operating context develop – therefore, the process that is applied by one business cannot necessarily be applied by another business. For example, larger businesses are required to carry out more extensive HRDD than smaller businesses.

 

Elements of HRDD

The four key interrelated elements of HRDD are set out in Principles 18 to 21 of the UNGPs, namely, assessing actual or potential adverse human rights impacts, integrating findings across the business and taking appropriate action, tracking the effectiveness of their response and communicating with stakeholders. This process will be explained in further detail below.

In order to conduct HRDD, businesses should start by conducting regular human rights impact assessment in order to by identify and assess ‘any actual or potential adverse human rights impacts which they may be involved’ in both their activities as well as their business relationships. Such an assessment is a critical aspect of HRDD as it is necessary for a business to evaluate its human rights risks before it can consider the steps to take to address those risks. The assessments should involve:[20]

assessing the human rights context prior to a proposed business activity, where possible; identifying who may be affected; cataloguing the relevant human rights standards and issues; and projecting how the proposed activity and associated business relationships could have adverse human rights impacts on those identified.

The findings of such assessments should then be integrated across a business’ relevant internal functions and processes to prevent and mitigate risks identified. Further, action should be taken where the business has had actual impacts so as to remediate those affected. Complexities may arise with respect to this element of HRDD, with situations existing where a business may not contribute to an adverse human rights impact, but nevertheless because of the business’ relationship with a third party the impact is directly linked to the business’ operations, products or services. Situations may also exist where a business has little or no leverage to address an impact. In such situations, businesses should seek independent expert advice.[21]

Businesses should then track the effectiveness of their response to adverse human rights impacts. Tracking allows a business to ensure that it is appropriately and adequately addressing the human rights impacts of its operations and to adapt its response if required. It should be ‘based on appropriate qualitative and quantitative indicators’ and ‘draw on feedback from both internal and external sources’.

The approach taken by businesses to address their human rights impacts should be communicated externally, including to those affected. Where severe human rights impacts exist within a business, how the business responds to impacts should be reported in a formal manner. In order to ensure that useful information is provided to external stakeholders, all communications should be accessible to its intended audience and provide sufficient information to ensure that business’ can evaluate the adequacy of their response to a particular human rights impact involved. Such communication ensures accountability and transparency on the part of the business.

The image below developed by Shift illustrates the cyclical nature of the HRDD process and shows that it is an ongoing process that must be undertaken in regular intervals in order to truly assist businesses to identify, prevent, mitigate and account for how they address their impacts on human rights.

 

 


 

Conclusion

As discussed above, HRDD lies at the heart of the corporate responsibility to respect human rights in the UNGPs. While the UNGPs were released in 2011, the concept of due diligence was around almost two decades before that – however, it was applied purely in the context of commercial transactions. The draft Norms imported the idea of due diligence into the business and human rights sphere. After the draft Norms failed, Ruggie revived the concept when he was appointed as Special Representative. He saw HRDD as key to businesses being able to know and show that they respect human rights to their stakeholders. Ruggie developed the concept from 2005 onwards, emphasising its benefits for businesses. Leading to the final articulation of HRDD as a central mechanism of the UNGPs in 2011.

From the discussion in this blog post, it is clear that the UNGPs as well as Ruggie’s reports and statements in the lead up to their inception do not (and probably could not) explicitly address how HRDD is to be applied and operationalised by businesses in practice. This will be explored in greater detail in the upcoming blog posts in this series.


[1] Securities Act 1933, section 11(a).

[2] Ibid, section 11(b).

[3] Ibid, section 11(c).

[4] See Michael Harvey and Robert Lusch, Expanding the Nature and Scope of Due Diligence, 10(1) Journal of Business Venturing 5 (1995); Michael Harvey and Robert Lusch, Beyond Traditional Due Diligence for Mergers and Acquisitions in the 21st Century, 19(3) Review of Business 17 (1998); Olga Martin-Ortega, Human Rights Due Diligence for Corporations: From Voluntary Standards to Hard Law at Last, 32 Neth. Q. Hum. Rts. 44 (2014), p 49.

[5] See for example Velasquez Rodriguez v. Honduras (1989) 28 ILM 294, [172] and the Council of Europe’s Convention on preventing and combating violence against women and domestic violence (2010), article 5(2).

[6] John Ruggie and John Sherman, The Concept of ‘Due Diligence’ in the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights: A Reply to Jonathan Bonnitcha and Robert McCorquodale, 28(3) The European Journal of International Law 921 (2017), p 924; Report of the Special Representative of the Secretary-General on the issue of human rights and transnational corporations and other business enterprises, John Ruggie: Business and human rights: towards operationalizing of the “protect, respect and remedy” framework (22 April 2009), UN Doc. A/HRC/11/13 (2009 Report), [25].

[7] 2009 Report, [25].

[8] John Ruggie and John Sherman, The Concept of ‘Due Diligence’ in the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights: A Reply to Jonathan Bonnitcha and Robert McCorquodale, 28(3) The European Journal of International Law 921 (2017), p 924.

[9] Keynote Address by SRSG John Ruggie “Engaging Business: Addressing Respect for Human Rights” (2010).

[10] Ibid.

[11] Report of the Special Representative of the Secretary-General on the issue of human rights and transnational corporations and other business enterprises, John Ruggie: Business and human rights: further steps toward the operationalization of the “protect, respect and remedy” framework (9 April 2010), UN Doc. A/HRC/14/27 (2010 Report), [79].

[12] Keynote Address by SRSG John Ruggie “Engaging Business: Addressing Respect for Human Rights” (2010).

[13] 2010 Report, [86].

[14] Ibid, [25].

[15] Ibid, [57]; 2009 Report, [50].

[16] Report of the Special Representative of the Secretary-General on the issue of human rights and transnational corporations and other business enterprises, John Ruggie: Protect, Respect and Remedy: a Framework for Business and Human Rights (7 April 2008), UN Doc. A/HRC/8/5, [72].

[17] Ibid, [58]; 2009 Report, [53]-[54].

[18] Ibid, [60]-[63].

[19] UN Human Rights Office of the High Commissioner, The Corporate Responsibility to Protect Human Rights: An Interpretative Guide, UN Doc. HR/PUB/12/02, p 6.

[20] UNGPs, p 19.

[21] UNGPs, pp 21-22.

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Doing Business Right Blog | The Lafarge Affair: A First Step Towards Corporate Criminal Liability for Complicity in Crimes against Humanity - By Alexandru Tofan

The Lafarge Affair: A First Step Towards Corporate Criminal Liability for Complicity in Crimes against Humanity - By Alexandru Tofan

Editor's note: Before joining the Asser Institute as an intern, Alexandru Tofan pursued an LLM in Transnational Law at King’s College London where he focused on international human rights law, transnational litigation and international law. He also worked simultaneously as a research assistant at the Transnational Law Institute in London on several projects pertaining to human rights, labour law and transnational corporate conduct.


The recent indictment of the French multinational company ‘Lafarge’ for complicity in crimes against humanity marks a historic step in the fight against the impunity of corporations.  It represents the first time that a company has been indicted on this ground and, importantly, the first time that a French parent company has been charged for the acts undertaken by one of its subsidiaries abroad.  Notably, the Lafarge case fuels an important debate on corporate criminal liability for human rights violations and may be a game changer in this respect.  This article analyses this case and seeks to provide a comprehensive account of its background and current procedural stage.

 

BACKGROUND

Lafarge is a French-based corporation that became one of the largest cement companies in the world after its merger with Swiss giant Holcim.  The corporate group now has activity in over 80 countries, employing tens of thousands.  Nevertheless, as it currently stands, eight of Lafarge’s former executives, including two CEOs, stand accused of criminal offences for their dealings in the company.  Importantly, on 28 June 2018 the corporate entity was charged with complicity in crimes against humanity and financing of a terrorist enterprise.  These indictments spring from the company’s infamous operations in Syria, which continued for a while during the civil war that tore apart the country. 

Lafarge began its operations in northern Syria in 2007 through the acquisition of a factory plant between the cities of Al-Raqqah and Manbij.  This plant became active in 2010 and was run by Lafarge Cement Syria – a subsidiary owned almost entirely by the French parent company.  The Syrian conflict erupted one year after the plant's opening and it unsurprisingly foreshadowed high security risks both for the factory and its employees. Expectedly, the rapid deterioration of the situation on the ground gradually forced the relocation of most multinationals and international bodies operating within Syria’s borders.  Lafarge Cement Syria did not relocate.  It solely repatriated its international staff, with the local Syrian employees being allowed to continue working in the factory.  As the plant became more and more immersed in Islamic State (IS) territory, the Syrian employees were obliged to cross dangerous checkpoints to access the factory.  Seemingly unconcerned with the risk to which it was exposing its employees, Lafarge threatened that failure to come to the plant would result in salary suspension and even redundancy.  This approach did not cease when the employees voiced concerns that they were facing high risks of death and kidnapping.  Nor did it cease when kidnappings actually started to occur.  Further, Lafarge did not put in place any evacuation plan.  Despite reassurances from the company that there would be evacuation buses, the employees had to fend for themselves when ISIS attacked and captured the plant.

 

THE CASE

On 21 June 2016, the French newspaper ‘Le Monde’ published an investigation in which it sketched out the connections and financial relationship between Lafarge and the Islamic State.  These accusations were met with a quick response by the French parliament, which concluded in a report from 13 July 2016 that no connection, whether direct or indirect, could be established between Lafarge and the financing of Daesh.[1] Nevertheless, in October 2016, the French Ministry of Finance filed a complaint against Lafarge claiming that it had breached the sanctions imposed by the EU against the regime of al-Assad and the ban on trading with terrorist organisations in Syria.  Following several additional complaints by former employees, a preliminary investigation was opened by the French authorities in October 2016.  As this preliminary investigation continued, the Swiss giant Holcim admitted in March 2017 that Lafarge had financed armed groups in Syria by recognising that ‘unacceptable practices had been employed to maintain the activity and security of its plant’.  This was subsequently corroborated by the former executive Director-General of Operations, Christian Herrault, who stated that the company had bowed to racketeering.

In June 2017, a judicial investigation was launched into the matter triggered by a joint complaint filed by French NGO Sherpa and the European Centre for Constitutional and Human Rights.  At first, this investigation disregarded the two counts of financing terrorism and crimes against humanity lodged against Lafarge as a legal person, and instead focused on the individuals involved.  In November 2017, the Parisian headquarters of Lafarge were raided by the customs police.  The minutes from that search described the atmosphere at the company’s headquarters as a ‘climate of permanent tension’ and a ‘situation of latent conflict’.  On 2 December 2017, the first indictments were released, targeting Frédéric Jolibois (the Director of the plant since the summer of 2014), Bruno Pescheux (his predecessor) and Jean-Claude Veillard (the Director of Security).  Three more indictments followed on 8 December 2017, targeting Bruno Lafont (the former CEO of Lafarge between 2007 and 2015), Christian Herrault (the former Director-General of Operations) and Éric Olsen (the Director of Human Resources at the time of the allegations). These indictments alleged that these individuals were suspected of financing terrorism and endangering other people’s lives. Another indictment followed in April 2018 regarding Sonia Artinian who was Lafarge’s Director of Human Resources between September 2013 and July 2018. She is accused of having endangered the lives of others and is given the status of assisted witness.

In an ordinance dated 18 April 2018, the judges in charge of the investigation returned to the accusations against Lafarge as a legal person, which were initially disregarded by the Parisian Prosecutor.  The judges concluded that the liability of Lafarge SA for financing terrorism and complicity in crimes against humanity deserved to be investigated.[2]  This marks a crucial development in the Lafarge affair.  In sum, the judges opened up, for the first time around the world, the possibility of holding a corporation criminally responsible for its alleged complicity in the commission of crimes against humanity.  Building on the momentum generated by this decision, Sherpa and the ECCHR filed a legal note in mid-May 2018 claiming that it is inevitable at this stage of the proceedings to indict Lafarge for complicity in crimes against humanity and financing terrorism. The two NGOs argued that the crimes committed by the Islamic State in north-eastern Syria between 2013 and 2015 amounted to crimes against humanity and that Lafarge became liable as an accomplice by neglectfully managing its employees’ security and by financing the IS. The complaint claimed that the corporation ought to be held responsible for crimes against humanity under Article 212-1 and Article 461-2 of the French Criminal Code (FCC), financing terrorist enterprises under Article 421-2-2 of the FCC, the deliberate endangerment of other people under Article 223-1 of the FCC,  exploitative and forced labour as well as undignified working conditions under Articles 225-13 and 225-14-2 of the FCC, and negligence under Article 121-3 of the FCC. 

Following these developments, the corporation was called for a hearing before the investigative judges on 5 June 2018, which was postponed on Lafarge’s request. Nonetheless, on 28 June 2018, nearly two years after Le Monde’s revelations, the French investigating judges indicted Lafarge. The historic indictment accuses Lafarge of complicity in crimes against humanity under Articles 212-1 and 461-2 of the FCC, the financing of a terrorist enterprise under Article 421-2-2 of the FCC, endangerment of other people’s lives under Article 223-1 of the FCC and the breach of an embargo (the latter stemming from the original investigation of the Ministry of Finance).  The rationale behind the judges’ decision to try Lafarge for crimes against humanity is grounded in the idea that the corporation could not have ignored the reality of the IS’ deeds and that it facilitated them in full awareness.  As such, Lafarge stands formally accused of having funnelled several million euros to the IS and other militant groups in order to maintain its operations in Syria by paying taxes and by buying raw materials from them. Notably, Lafarge is suspected of having sold cement directly to the IS. Marie-Laure Guislain, a lawyer with Sherpa, stated that if this direct sale is proven, it should be considered a supplementary act of complicity since Lafarge would in effect have facilitated the construction of roads, galleries, bunkers, and places for torture and the commission of other crimes. After the hearing on 28 June, Lafarge Holcim released a communiqué stating that it would appeal the charges, which ‘[...] do not fairly reflect the responsibility of Lafarge’. The company has now been placed under judicial supervision with a bond of €30 million and is awaiting trial. It is also noteworthy that the two NGOs requested that Lafarge open a compensation fund for all the former employees and their families.


LOOKING FORWARD

The indictment of Lafarge is a game changer in the discussion on corporate criminal liability for human rights violations. It marks the first time worldwide that a corporation is indicted for the financing of terrorist enterprises and for complicity in crimes against humanity. It is also the first time in France that a parent company is being held responsible for the actions undertaken by one of its subsidiaries abroad. Nevertheless, despite this unquestionable novelty, Lafarge’s indictment is by no means a totally unexpected development. Since there is currently no international criminal court with jurisdiction over legal persons, corporate criminal liability cannot be pursued at the international level. Rather, this process must necessarily begin at the national level through the practice of domestic courts and actors.  The US Supreme Court might have been right in stating in the Jesner et al. v Arab Bank, PLC case that the international community had not yet taken the step towards a universal, specific and obligatory standard of corporate liability for offences in violation of human rights protections. Yet the Lafarge case is clearly a first step in that direction. Its value lies in its potential to set an important precedent for all multinationals that engage in economic activity around armed conflicts and which are therefore at a high risk of contributing to human rights violations.


[1]           In French: “Selon Le Monde, le groupe Lafarge aurait ainsi payé à Daech diverses taxes en échange de la circulation de ses marchandises et de ses salariés et se serait approvisionné en matières premières [...] Les éléments auxquels le Rapporteur a pu avoir accès ne confirment en rien ces accusations. Rien ne permet d’établir que le groupe, ou ses entités locales, ont participé, directement ou indirectement, ni même de façon passive, au financement de Daech”. See here at page 90.

[2]          In French: Les deux associations, avec 11 anciens salariés, avaient été les premières à lancer une plainte pour «financement du terrorisme» contre Lafarge, qui a fusionné avec le Suisse Holcim en 2015, en visant aussi la «complicité de crimes contre l'humanité et de crimes de guerre».

Si le parquet de Paris avait écarté ces deux qualifications à l'ouverture de l'instruction en juin 2017, les juges estiment que ces faits ont «vocation à être instruits», selon une ordonnance du 18 avril dont a eu connaissance l'AFP.

 

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Doing Business Right Blog | Doing Business Right – Monthly Report – May & June 2019 - By Shamistha Selvaratnam & Maisie Biggs

Doing Business Right – Monthly Report – May & June 2019 - By Shamistha Selvaratnam & Maisie Biggs

Doing Business Right – Monthly Report – May & June 2019

 

Editor’s note: Shamistha Selvaratnam is a LLM Candidate of the Advanced Masters of European and International Human Rights Law at Leiden University in the Netherlands. Prior to commencing the LLM, she worked as a business and human rights solicitor in Australia where she specialised in promoting business respect for human rights through engagement with policy, law and practice. Maisie Biggs graduated with a MSc in Global Crime, Justice and Security from the University of Edinburgh and holds a LLB from University College London. She is currently working with the Asser Institute in The Hague. She has previously worked for International Justice Mission in South Asia and the Centre for Research on Multinational Corporations (SOMO) in Amsterdam.

 

Introduction

This report compiles all relevant news, events and materials on Doing Business Right based on the coverage provided on our twitter feed @DoinBizRight and on various websites. You are invited to contribute to this compilation via the comments section below, feel free to add links to important cases, documents and articles we may have overlooked.

 

The Headlines

Dutch Court allows Case against Shell to Proceed

On 1 May the Hague District Court rules that it has jurisdiction to hear a suit brought against the Royal Dutch Shell by four Nigerian widows. The widows are still seeking redress for the killing of their husbands in 1995 in Nigeria. They claim the defendants are accomplices in the execution of their husbands by the Abasha regime. Allegedly, Shell and related companies provided material support, which led to the arrests and deaths of the activists. Although Shell denies wrongdoing in this case, the Court has allowed the suit to proceed. The judgment is accessible in Dutch here. An English translation is yet to be provided.

The Netherlands Adopts Child Labour Due Diligence Law

On 14 May the Dutch Government passed legislation requiring certain companies to carry out due diligence related to child labour in their supply chains. The law applies to companies that are either registered in the Netherlands that sell or deliver goods or services to Dutch consumers or that are registered overseas but sell or deliver goods or services to Dutch consumers. These companies will have to submit a statement declaring that they have due diligence procedures in place to prevent child labour from being used in the production of their goods or services.

While it is not yet clear when the law will come into force, it is unlikely to do so before 1 January 2020. The Dutch law is part of the growing movement to embed human rights due diligence into national legislative frameworks. The law is accessible in Dutch here.

First case under the French Due Diligence law initiated against Total

French NGOs Amis de la Terre FR and Survie have initiated civil proceedings against French energy company Total for the planned Tilenga mining project in Uganda. These organisations and CRED, Friends of the Earth Uganda and NAVODA have sent a formal notice to Total in relation to concerns over the potential expropriation of people in proximity to the site of the Tilenga project and threats to the environment. Information on the case from the initiating civil society organisations can be found here. This is the first initiated case under the new French Due Diligence law, and may act as a test case for future litigation.

In a similar vein, civil society organisations CCFD-Terre Solidaire and Sherpa have launched Le Radar du Devoir de Vigilance [The Vigilance Duty Radar], a resource to track the compliance of French companies to the law. The site lists potentially subjected companies, and their published vigilance plans (or lack thereof).

Bolstering the UK Modern Slavery Act

During a speech at the International Labour Organisation’s centenary conference on 11 June 2019, Theresa May outlined the UK Government’s further commitments to strengthen the Modern Slavery Act 2015; these included a central public registry of modern slavery transparency statements by businesses (in a similar vein to the Gender Pay Gap Service), and the extension of reporting requirements to the public sector. Individual ministerial departments will be obliged to publish modern slavery statements from 2021, while central Government has committed to publish voluntarily this year. The focus on public sector procurement will apparently also include a “new programme that will improve responsible recruitment in parts of our public sector supply chains that pass through Asia.”

The Final Report of the Independent Review of the Modern Slavery Act 2015 was released in May, and considered in Westminster Hall on 19th June.

 

UN and International Organisations Publications and Statements 

•       European Commission – Corporate Social Responsibility, Responsible Business Conduct, and Business & Human Rights: Overview of Progress

•       International Labour Organisation – Public sector clients pledge action to foster fair recruitment

•       OHCHR – Statement by the United Nations Working Group on Business and Human Rights: Time for the G20 to act on commitments and step up leadership on business and human rights

 

NGOs, NHRIs, CSOs and Human Rights Organisations Publications and Statements

•       Amnesty International – Thailand: Defamation charges for exposing labour abuse

•       Business & Human Rights Resource Centre – Out of Sight: Modern Slavery in Pacific Supply Chains of Canned Tuna: A Survey & Analysis of Company Action

•       Business & Human Rights Resource Centre – Out of Sight: Modern Slavery in Pacific Supply Chains of Canned Tuna: A Survey & Analysis of Company Action

•       Center for International Legal Cooperation – Summary of Sounding Board Consultation Round 1 – Results Elements Paper on the Hague Rules on Business and Human Rights Arbitration

•       Clean Clothes Campaign – Questions raised after agreement reached on Bangladesh Accord

•       Coalition for Human Rights in Development – Uncalculated Risks: Threats and attacks against human rights defenders and the role of development financiers

•       Conectas – Following Pressure, Vale Withdraws from UN Social Responsibility Network

•       Conflict and Environment Observatory – New UN legal report addresses the responsibility of states and corporations for environmental damage in conflict

•       CORE – 49 global CSOs call for justice for Nigerian villages devastated by Shell oil spill

•       CORE – Improving the effectiveness of the supply chain reporting requirement in UK Modern Slavery Act 2015 and moving towards mandatory human rights due diligence

•       European Coalition of Corporate Justice – Finnish Government commits to HRDD legislation

•       FERN, Tropenbos International and Fair Trade Advocacy Office – Towards sustainable cocoa supply chains: Regulatory options for the EU

•       Justice Project Pakistan & Equidem Research and Consulting – Through the Cracks: The Exploitation of Pakistani Migrant Workers in the Gulf Recruitment Regime

•       Mahidol University, ASEAN CSR Network & Article Thirty – Human Rights Disclosure in ASEAN

•       MVO Platform – MVO Platform position paper on due diligence and certification

•       MVO Platform – The Netherlands takes an historic step by adopting child labour due diligence law

•       OECD Watch – The State of Remedy under the OECD Guidelines: Understanding NCP cases concluded in 2018 through the lens of remedy

•       OECD Watch – Use with caution: The role of the OECD National Contact Points in protecting human rights defenders

•       Sancroft – The Sancroft-Tussell Report: Eliminating modern slavery in public procurement

•       SOMO – European Development Bank significantly strengthens its grievance mechanism

•       SOMO – Shell put Nigeria under pressure with ISDS process to obtain oil field OPL 245

•       SwedWatch – Copper with a Cost: Human rights and environmental risks in the mineral supply chains of ICT: A case study from Zambia

•       The Danish Institute for Human Rights – Nestlé first company to publicly share its human rights training for employees

•       The Freedom Fund – Going Dutch: The Netherlands’ Adoption of a Child Labour Law Reaffirms Trend of Mandating Corporate Due Diligence

•       Treaty Alliance Germany – Briefing Paper on Zero Draft: Unpacking Arguments against a Treaty

•       Trial International – German and Belgian Prosecutors Urged to Shed Light on Exports of Dual-Use Goods to Syria

 

Government Press Releases and Publications

•       Canadian Government – Consultation on labour exploitation in global supply chains

•       Dutch Working Group on Enabling Remediation – Discussion Paper

•       G7 – G7 Social Communique

•       United Kingdom Modern Slavery Unit – Independent Review of the Modern Slavery Act 2015: Final Report

 

In Court 

•       Court of The Hague – Kiobel v Shell

•       Sydney Morning Herald – 'It's game on': BHP hit with record $7b claim in UK over deadly dam collapse

 

In the News 

•       Aljazeera – Brazil indigenous affairs head fired amid push to develop Amazon

•       Amnesty International – Nigeria/Netherlands: Shell ruling “a vital step towards justice”

•       Bloomberg - Kenya Cancels Environment License of $2 Billion Coal-Power Plant

•       Ethical Corporation – 'UK multinationals will face greater scrutiny after the Vedanta decision'

•       EUReporter Economy – Europe takes a big step towards companies having ‘duty of care’ on #HumanRights

•       Financial Times – National courts have global companies in their sights

•       Financial Times – Pressure builds on mining industry over supply chains

•       Financial Times – Vedanta starts arbitration against Zambia after mines seized

•       Financial Times has launched Moral Money, a platform and newsletter to cover ESG, impact investing and sustainable business practice.

•       Ground Up – Aussie company show big profits from South African West Coast mine

•       Japan Times – 'Culture of fear': Report alleges low pay and overwork for laborers at Tokyo Olympics sites

•       Khaleej Times – Worker injured at work in UAE gets Dh1.5 million compensation

•       Le Monde – Bolloré sued by ten NGOs

•       Mail Online – PM to unveil new measures to tackle `abhorrent´ modern slavery

•       Nikkei Asian Review – Uniqlo discloses all garment factories for first time

•       Reuters – UK urged to 'lead by example' on slavery as top state suppliers flout law

•       Reuters – UPDATE 1-BNP Paribas must face revived lawsuit over Sudanese genocide- U.S. appeals court

•       Reuters – Widows of hanged Nigeria activists can continue case vs Shell: Dutch court

•       The Guardian – 'I had pain all over my body': Italy’s tainted tobacco industry

•       The Guardian – Are your tinned tomatoes picked by slave labour?

•       The Guardian – Dozens killed in DRC Glencore copper mine accident

•       The Guardian – Low pay in the garment industry still a reality despite pledges – study

•       The Guardian – Murder, rape and claims of contamination at a Tanzanian goldmine

•       The Guardian – WhatsApp spyware: UK firm promises new 'respect for human rights' following allegations

•       The Sunday Times – Law on parent company liability moving in right direction

•       The Sydney Morning Herald – BHP faces beefed up class action over Samarco disaster

•       Triple Pundit – Companies Need More Than CSR To Tackle Modern Slavery

 

Academic Materials

•       Amy Sinclair and Justine Nolan – Modern Slavery Laws in Australia: Steps in the Right Direction? – Business and Human Rights Journal

•       Bernice Yeung – In a Day's Work: The Fight to End Sexual Violence Against America's Most Vulnerable Workers – Human Rights Quarterly

•       Charlotte Villiers – Global Supply Chains and Sustainability: The Role of Disclosure and Due Diligence Regulation – In Beate Sjåfjell and Christopher M. Bruner (eds), Cambridge Handbook of Corporate Law, Corporate Governance and Sustainability (Cambridge University Press, Forthcoming).

•       David Strouss – Bringing Pesticide Injury Cases to US Courts: The Challenges of Transnational Litigation – Business and Human Rights Journal

•       Dorota Weziak-Blalowolska, Piotr Bialowolski and Eileen McNeely – Worker’s well-being. Evidence from the apparel industry in Mexico – Intelligent Buildings International

•       Girogia Papalia – Doing Business Right: The Case for a Business and Human Rights Treaty – Perth International Law Journal

•       Karin Buhmann, Jonas Jonsson and Mette Fisker – Do No Harm and Do More Good Too: Connecting Business and Human Rights with Political CSR to Identify Business Opportunities for Contributing to the SDGs – The International Journal of Business in Society (Forthcoming)

•       Maddalena Neglia – Striking the Right(s) Balance: Conflicts between Human Rights and Freedom to Conduct a Business in the ILVA Case in Italy – Business and Human Rights Journal

•       Samentha Goethals – Exploring Migrant Employees’ ‘Rights-Talk’ in the British Hospitality Sector – Business and Human Rights Journal

 

Blogs           

Asser Institute Doing Business Right Blog

•       Maisie Biggs – Background Information to the Lundin Case

•       Maisie Biggs – International Criminal Law and Corporate Actors - Part 1: From Slave Trade Tribunals to Nuremberg 

•       Maisie Biggs – International Criminal Law and Corporate Actors - Part 2: The Rome Statute and its Aftermath

•       Maisie Biggs – International Criminal Law and Corporate Actors - Part 3: War Crimes before Domestic Courts

•       Shamistha Selvaratnam – The Rise of Human Rights Due Diligence (Part II): The Pluralist Struggle to Shape the Practical Meaning of the Concept

•       Shamistha Selvaratnam – The Rise of Human Rights Due Diligence (Part III): A Deep Dive into Adidas’ Practices

•       Shamistha Selvaratnam – The Rise of Human Rights Due Diligence (Part IV): A Deep Dive into Unilever’s Practices

•       Shamistha Selvaratnam – The Rise of Human Rights Due Diligence (Part V): Does it Foster Respect for Human Rights by Business?

Other Blogs

•       Alessandro Runci – Critical shareholding as a tool to hold Italian corporations accountable – Business & Human Rights Resource Centre

•       Anne Manschot – Audits are failing – brands should cut out waste so suppliers can pay their workers a living wage – Business & Human Rights Resource Centre

•       Benjamin Hoffman – Many segments of the business and human rights field have been co-opted & captured by corporate actors – Business & Human Rights Resource Centre

•       Bobbie Sta. Maria, BHHRC and JJ Rosenbaum – Why women workers in global garment supply chains are saying #MeToo – Business & Human Rights Resource Centre

•       Chiara Macchi – The Human Rights Obligations of International Organisations towards their Civilian Personnel – BHR Journal Blog

•       Daniela Chimisso dos Santos – The Effect on Business: The Reality of the Nevsun Case in Canada – BHR Journal Blog

•       Dr Bärbel Kofler – Duty-bound to protect – Business & Human Rights Resource Centre

•       Ekaterina Aristova – Clarifying the limits of extraterritorial jurisdiction of English courts to try business-related human rights violations – BHR Journal Blog

•       Elena Blanco – Jurisdiction, access to remedy in business and human rights cases and the corporate structure: A tale of two cases – BHR Journal Blog

•       Emily Dwyer – Canada's 'toothless' new corporate watchdog is a broken promise and a major setback for human rights – Business & Human Rights Resource Centre

•       Geert Van Calster – Kiobel v Shell in The Netherlands – GAVC LAW

•       Genevieve LeBaron – How to Spur Corporate Accountability with Modern Slavery Legislation – Delta87

•       Heidi Hautala – Responsible Business Conduct - the European Business model of the 2020s – Business & Human Rights Resource Centre

•       Jolyon Ford – Can consumers and market actors ‘regulate’ corporate reporting on Modern Slavery risk? – Business & Human Rights Resource Centre

•       Joseph Wilde – Going Dutch: Four things you should know about the Netherlands’ new law to eliminate child labour – Business & Human Rights Resource Centre

•       Kelly Groen and Lis Cunha – Due diligence laws must not leave women behind – Business & Human Rights Resource Centre

•       Kristen Casper – Reality bites: Fossil fuel companies face climate liability claims after decades of denial – Business & Human Rights Resource Centre

•       Larry Cata Backer – Norwegian Ethics Information Committee Seeks Input on Methods to Improve Respect For Human Rights Through Supply Chain Transparency Mechanisms – Law at the End of the Day

•       Lauren Armistead and Mark Dummett – Why the UK Supreme Court must hear Nigerian oil pollution appeal – Medium

•       Maria Khan – What are the legal tools for holding corporations to account globally? – Business & Human Rights Resource Centre

•       Marilyn Croser – Towards mandatory human rights due diligence in the UK: Developments and opportunities – Business & Human Rights Resource Centre

•       Martijn Boersma & Justine Nolan – Blockchain can help break the chains of modern slavery, but it is not a complete solution – The Conversation

•       Maysa Zorob and Antonella Angelini – Are shareholders the new champions of climate justice? – Business & Human Rights Resource Centre

•       Miriam Saage- Maaβ – Jabir et al vs. KiK: Do EU companies have an extraterritorial duty towards suppliers in global production chains? – BHR Journal Blog

•       Nora Götzmann – New UN Gender Guidance is a reminder that real equality requires tackling discrimination – Business & Human Rights Resource Centre

•       Peter Barnett – Shareholder litigation as the next frontier in shareholder climate action – Business & Human Rights Resource Centre

•       Phil Bloomer – Europe takes a big step towards companies having a ‘duty of care’ on human rights – Business & Human Rights Resource Centre

•       Sara Seck – Extraterritoriality: A Problem of Terminology – BHR Journal Blog

•       Sara Thornton – Listening to survivors, the role of business and supporting law enforcement  – Independent Anti-Slavery Commissioner Blog

•       Seunghyun Nam and Changrok Soh – Business and Human Rights in the Republic of Korea and Extraterritorial Jurisdiction – BHR Journal Blog

•       Shannan Burrow and Phil Bloomer – Could Finnish presidency fix labour-chain abuse? – EU Observer

•       Sonia HIerzig – Investors need to hold all sectors to account on climate change – not just the fossil fuel industry  – Business & Human Rights Resource Centre

•       Tom Wills – Stop Making The 'Business Case' For A Responsible Private Sector – Huffpost Blog

•       Urs Rybi – What does Switzerland's vote on mandatory due diligence mean - and what happens next? – Business & Human Rights Resource Centre

•       Walker Syachalinga – Vedanta v Lungowe: An irreconcilable regulatory outreach? – BHR Journal Blog

•       William Anderson – Mandatory Human Rights Due Diligence: A business perspective – Business & Human Rights Resource Centre

•       Yousuf Aftab – Business, Human Rights & the Limits of Law – Business & Human Rights Resource Centre

 

Call for Papers, Submissions and Abstracts 

•       Call for blogs – Business and Human Rights Journal Blog – Cambridge University

•       Call for session proposals and snapshot proposals – UN Forum on Business and Human Rights

•       Call for public consultation on the first draft of The Hague Rules on Business and Human Rights - CILC

 

Upcoming Events 

•       22-26 July 2019 – International Summer Course Human Rights Law in Context (special focus on business and human rights) – Centre for Human Rights Erlangen-Nürnberg in cooperation with the European Center for Constitutional and Human Rights, Nuremberg, Germany

•       12-13 September 2019 – Global Business and Human Rights Scholars Association 5th Annual Conference – University of Essex, Colchester, England

•       16-18 October 2019 – 4th Coimbra International Conference on Human Rights: a transdisciplinary approach – CIDH Coimba, Portugal

•       25-27 November 2019 – UN Forum on Business and Human Rights – Geneva, Switzerland

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